Looking back to my days as a full time journalist, the ever rising profile of former Lagos State Governor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, appears to confirm beliefs among his ardent supporters that those opposed to him were not deep intellectually and politically.
And I happen to be one of Tinubu’s harshest critics as a staunch supporter of the old guards of the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere. Contrary to our position about Tinubu, the man is steadily rising beyond the shadows of the three most credible Yoruba political leaders in recent times: Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Senator Abraham Adesanya and Chief Bola Ige. If not for his being the Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council during the Nigerian civil war, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, would certainly have been included in the previous list, thus making Tinubu the most outstanding political leader the Yoruba has ever produced in recent history.Beyond the crises associated with the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election won by Bashorun M. K. O. Abiola and the process leading to Nigeria’s transition from military to democratic rule in 1999, Ajasin, Adesanya and Ige may not count much in national reckoning. Awolowo sought Nigeria’s leadership repeatedly, but failed. The late sage was well-respected all over the country, no doubt. But he never had any influence on the emergence of leaders at the national level in a democratic Nigeria. In contrast today, Tinubu is not overtly seeking to be Nigeria’s president. But he is much sought after at almost every level of the country’s leadership. He is today a force to be reckoned with by any aspiring contender for presidential office in Nigeria. No aspiring Senate President or Speaker, House of Representatives can ignore him. Variously described as an Apostle of true federalism and a man of the masses, Tinubu’s path to political stardom is strewn with the credibility carcasses of those who inherited the Yoruba political leadership mantle from Awolowo. Tinubu remains the scourge of the Afenifere old guards. He was, is and will most likely remain – for the rest of his active political life – their nemesis.
Way back in 2000/2001, three negative issues were identified by Tinubu’s supporters about the Alliance for Democracy (AD)/Afenifere leaders, branding them as persons without credibility:
• The old men were tribalistic and not interested in national vision given the fact that AD/Afenifere was unable to exert much political influence after two years of democracy beyond the South-West.
• They were dictators (Babasope syndrome), who unilaterally imposed candidates on party members without their consent and also refuse to give room to a democratic discussion of issues.
• The old men were only after their personal economic salvation using the AD governors and other institutions of government within the South-West as conduits to get funds.
• They were dictators (Babasope syndrome), who unilaterally imposed candidates on party members without their consent and also refuse to give room to a democratic discussion of issues.
• The old men were only after their personal economic salvation using the AD governors and other institutions of government within the South-West as conduits to get funds.
Losing the South-West to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2003 was the final nail in the coffin of the Afenifere old guards, who many, especially Tinubu’s supporters blamed for AD’s woes. And as fate would have it, Tinubu, the only AD governor implacably opposed to the old men won his re-election to begin a political ascendancy that has now firmly placed him where the old men were in 1999 at the beginning of Nigeria’s fourth attempt at democratic practice. The AD governors who the old men campaigned for were routed from their seats by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who held sway until Tinubu brought forth the Action Congress (AC) and later Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) both of which acknowledge him as National Leader.
To many, especially in the South-West today, Tinubu has succeeded where the old men failed. Whether he is a worse dictator than the old men is another matter, at least they can argue that Edo State has joined the ACN Army, while Dr. Olusegun Mimiko in Ondo State should know without Tinubu’s many inputs he would not have become Governor. The firm belief is that a political son of the late sage is back on his father’s driving seat. Some core Awoists may not agree with this submission given the fact that Tinubu’s entrance into politics was on the platform of late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua’s group, Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM) and not Afenifere, which he joined later. Whether the core Awoists agree or not does not matter anymore, there is hardly any of them left on the field politically to challenge Tinubu’s already established ascendancy, The Jagaban has landed!
For the avoidance of doubt, I do not subscribe to the belief that Tinubu is a saint. Far from it. From 2001 till date copies of documents detailing malfeasance by the former Lagos State Governor abound. And these are issues that should not be associated with a person the Yoruba would call an Omoluabi. Interestingly enough, as the old belief goes, it is only an Omoluabi that an average Yoruba would trust with his/her vote. But Tinubu has not only continued to win votes in Lagos State, he has spread his political vote-winning tentacles all over the South-West and straight into neighbouring Edo State. Unlike the days of Awolowo, Ajasin and Adesanya, it is as if the average Yoruba waits for Tinubu’s direction before making up his or her mind on burning national issues, which is another testament to the fact that a values-shift of seismic proportions may have happened in Yorubaland without the old men having any idea about it. The man with stains has become a light-bearer, or if you like, torch-bearer for the Yoruba!
How did Tinubu manage? It is clear today that a new generation of Yoruba populate the land. Cosmopolitan in outlook in a way that far outranks the usual Yoruba appreciation of other cultures and values, the average person of South-West descent in Nigeria today appears to have gone beyond the level of the first and second republics while still retaining his/her Yorubaness. They want the good things of life, first at the personal level before considering the community. Most believe the community/local government/state have failed them. And Tinubu’s tactics display an understanding of this fact, which was the slogan of the Action Group/Afenifere in another version – life more abundant (for the community and the people there). The Action Group/Afenifere placed more importance on communal well-being ahead of self. Yorubas were encouraged to place others and the community above themselves. It is very different in Tinubu’s more appealing version. Beginning with Jeun Soke (direct financial ‘empowerment’/disbursement of largesse) in Lagos State towards the end of his first term, he used a tactic employed by self-styled President, Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, to weaken almost every institution in Nigeria through an appeal to their personal interests, not that of the collective.
As it was with IBB, I’ll describe Tinubu as very brave, being the political version of a Special Forces soldier, who survives best when the odds are heavily stacked against him. Well-respected by friends and foes alike, he is surrounded by some of the best brains in Nigeria, which is a testament to his foresight. As it also was with Abiola and IBB, Tinubu is very kind with his financial resources, making same freely available to entrepreneurs, the needy and politicians. He worships the younger generation like gods, an attribute, which Awolowo cherished till he died. On the other hand, Tinubu can be a devouring sword against his opponents, cutting them down sharply socially, economically and politically. As mentioned earlier, Tinubu also share another trait with IBB because he is a not a selfless individual, who fights for the common good irrespective of what it entails for him. Very selfish to the point of destructiveness against the common good, where the common good and his personal interest clash, he will sacrifice the common good without batting an eyelid. But once Tinubu’s personal interests are assured, he will fight for communal good with everything at his disposal. However, that communal good must be subordinated to his personal interest – that is a condition written in stone that nobody can change.
Despite the personal shortcomings of Tinubu, for succeeding where others before him failed, it is my firm conviction the Yorubas deserve to be led by him at this time in our history. He understands all the other sides in Nigeria. He understands his people, who seem more interested in personal gains than communal good. He cannot be intimidated. He has foresight. There are a number of persons around him, who are known for their blunt views about others who have Tinubu’s attributes, but who continue to be sources of strength for the former Lagos State Governor. Knowing a few of them assures me that they are not supporting him out of fear or because of pecuniary gains. It is possible the saying of the Hollywood film, Chronicles of Riddick, struck a chord with these well-respected Yoruba icons who continue to hold Tinubu in high esteem: “Sometimes, it may not work to fight evil with good; you may need to fight evil with another kind of evil.” Nigeria, through the current military/oligarchy imposed flawed structure, has slowed the Yoruba race down in our socio-economic and political race, which was almost at par with some countries in Europe during the First Republic. If it will take a Tinubu to return to that period, so be it.
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